Represiune și control social în România comunistă

Volumele V-VI, 2010-2011

Colegiu redacțional: Cristian Vasile, Bogdan Cristian Iacob, Raluca Grosescu, Angelo Mitchievici, Damiana Oțoiu

Redactor-șef: Adrian Cioflâncă

Secretar de redacție: Luciana M. Jinga

Editorial

Vladimir Tismăneanu, Comunismul – de la Marx şi Lenin la viața de apoi (pp. 15-25)

The article offers an overview of communism with a focus on its ideological dimension. Communism  is defined as a radical economic, moral, social, and cultural doctrine centered upon the accomplishment of radical transformative ends. The author surveys the basic tenets of Marxism, Leninism and Stalinism, as well as the most important moments of the early history of communism. One main point is the comparison of communism with religion. Marxism developed as a form of political religion which was simultaneously an eschatology (a doctrine of mundane salvation) and an ecclesiology (an ideology of the revolutionary party/movement). The utopian, eschatological vision of Marx’s body of political thought was translated into a revolutionary program of action by Lenin. He modified Marxism in that he assigned the revolutionary role to the vanguard party rather than the proletarian class itself; he saw the outbreak of revolution in a less rather than more advanced country (Russia, not Western Europe); and made the dictatorship of the proletariat the core of his theory of the communist state. In brief, thanks to Lenin’s contribution to the Russianization of Marxism, Leninism represents a synthesis between Western, social democratic values and the Russian traditions of revolutionary violence. Ideological absolutism, sacralization of the ultimate goal, suspension of critical faculties, and the cult of the party line as the perfect expression of the general will were imbedded in the original Bolshevik project. Less theoretically gifted than Lenin or Trotsky, Stalin codified and overly simplified Leninism, adjusting it to the needs and expectations of the average party bureaucracy. Instead of a revolutionary doctrine, Stalin’s Leninism was just a means of legitimization for the party bureaucracy’s exercise of power. In the end, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated that communism had exhausted its appeals and led to the breakdown of the Leninist regimes in East‑Central Europe.
Keywords: communism, Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism

Introducere

Paul Hollander, Caracteristicile represiunii în statele comuniste (pp. 29-90)

This synthesis on repression in communist regimes opens with a presentation of the historical sources that can be used in this particular field of research. In order to clearly point out the specificity of communism, a parallel is made with Nazism. What particularly raises questions is the selective way in which the public opinion, politicians and intellectuals chose to incriminate and to make public only certain mass crimes over others, the crimes of the communist regimes remaining mostly unknown. An important part of the study is dedicated to describing the characteristics of the repression. The repressive character of communist states can be explained by a combination of universal and historically specific factors. An important factor is the longstanding human disposition to dehumanize, demonize and mistreat the others (those defined as outsiders, strangers, and enemies for a wide variety of reasons). The scale of the repression is another important aspect stressed out by the author, along with the control over the population movements and the economic implications of the phenomenon.

Keywords: repression, communism, memory, enemy, dehumanize, mass murder, Nazism

Represiunea comunistă: instituții și actori

Dumitru Lăcătuşu, Direcția de Cercetări Penale a Securității în timpul lui Mișu Dulgheru (1948‑1952) (pp. 93-113)

The study describes and analyzes the organizational and human structure of the Securitate Direction of Penal Investigations during Mişu Dulgheru’s leadership, its first director between 1948 and 1952. In that period, the direction’s structure was modified several times, as it happened to other communist institutions such as the Militia and the Securitate troops. In general, it had the following structure: 4 investigation services, one service for coordinating the activity of penal bureaus from counties and a juridical office. The remits of the juridical office were to elaborate the documentation for submitting to court political prisoners, to verify the files created by regional branches of the Securitate and to track in court the political trials which the Securitate was interested in. In those years, a conflict existed among the direction’s officers, the „specialists” (or the intellectuals, as they are also called in files) and the „workers”. The worker officers were employed directly from fields of manual labor. The officers had legal studies and many of them were Jewish by origin. During the years 1951 and 1952, they were purged from the direction, including Mişu Dulgheru, who was arrested, interrogated and convicted as a consequence of conflicts for power in the Communist Party (the confrontation between Gheorghe Gheorghiu‑Dej and the so‑called group Ana Pauker – Vasile Luca – Teohari[e] Georgescu). The winning rival faction considered Dulgheru to be an intimate of the first group.

Keywords: Securitate, repression, perpetrators, communist institutions, Mişu Dulgheru

Liviu Pleșa, Direcţia Regională de Securitate Cluj (1948‑1968). Organizarea, personalul şi direcţiile de acţiune (pp. 115-145)

The study examines the functioning of one territorial structure of the Securitate, the Regional Department of Cluj, by presenting its organization and functions. Attention is paid to persons who worked for this structure, detailing the biographies of some of the high rank officers ‑ such as col. Patriciu Mihai, col. Mihail Nedelcu, col. Breban Josif, etc. The paper offers an analysis of the main repressive actions conducted by these officers in Cluj – against resistance groups, former members of the political parties or peasants who resisted collectivization. The Securitate used different means and methods to achieve its repressive goals, ranging from surveillance to imprisonment, internment in labor camps or even murder.

Keywords: Securitate, repression, perpetrators, communist institutions, Cluj

Silviu B. Moldovan, Aniversările organizate de Securitate în 1968 și semnificația lor (pp. 147-159)

The political and symbolic impact of the C.C. of the Romanian Communist Party Plenum from 22‑25 April 1968 – when the Securitate was criticized and some of its victims rehabilitated – was a challenge for the political police. In this complicated political context, the Securitate decided to celebrate the two decades since its founding. Far from a simple symbolic activity, the anniversary was designed as an action for the rehabilitation of the Securitate. The core of the celebrating program was the identification and promotion of „heroes” that distinguished in the „battle with the enemy in order to defend the revolutionary achievements of the people”. The anniversary was illustrated in photo albums, medals, orders, literary and drawing contests and also in radio and television broadcasts. It is estimated that the Securitate was able to overcome the 1968 moment as the Romanian communist regime was largely convinced of the utility and necessity of maintaining this institution.

Keywords: Securitate, anniversary, 1968, perpetrators, communist language

Mircea Stănescu, Destine în nomenclatura comunistă: Gavrilă şi Eva Birtaş (pp. 161-165)

Dès son instauration en Roumanie, en mars 1945, le régime communiste a été exercé par des gens et des structures ayant une certaine culture politique acquise dans les années de l’illégalité, de la détention politique, de l’activité subversive et de l’espionnage. Le texte présente deux biographies – de couple – révélatrices pour le destin d’une partie de la nomenklatura communiste de l’époque Gheorghiu‑Dej. En même temps, ces deux cas tracent les contours des visages et indiquent des nomes dans un régime qui prône l’action politique impersonnelle, mais qui ne peut pas renoncer à sa dimension criminelle jusqu’à sa chute en 1989.

Mots‑clés: communisme, Nomenklatura, détention politique, crimes politiques

Petre Opriş, Acţiunile lui Gheorghe Apostol, Dumitru Mazilu şi Mihail Gorbaciov faţă de politica promovată de Nicolae Ceauşescu (1989) (pp. 167-177)

The competition between Nicolae Ceauşescu and Gheorghe Apostol for the position of Secretary General of the RCP didn’t stop after the victory of Ceauşescu (March 1965). From August 1988 to March 1989, Apostol tried to convince older leaders from Nomenklatura to oppose Ceauşescu. In the spring of 1989, a letter signed by six former high rank communist officials was read at Radio Free Europe. Ceauşescu used different methods for convincing all members of that group to renounce their actions. In the same period, Dumitru Mazilu – a Romanian communist, high dignitary and member of a United Nations commission – wrote and sent to the United Nations a very critical report about the Romanian internal policy. The personality cult eroded the whole propagandistic structure built around Nicolae Ceauşescu. The effects were both unfavorable for the worshiped leader and against the interests of those who built and maintained that cult because the Romanian communism principles, mentioned by Ceauşescu every time, became a formal enumeration of some ideas having no essence. Despite these facts, the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev tried to persuade Nicolae Ceauşescu to change the main politics in Romania. Moreover, Gorbachev sent a letter to Ceauşescu (23 November 1989) to inform him about the Soviet‑American meeting which was going to be held in Malta (2‑3 December 1989). Ceauşescu’s answer expressed his total opposition to democratization (27 November 1989).

Keywords: Nomenklatura, Ceauşescu, Gorbachev, 1989, revolution

Andi Mihalache, Memoria epocii Gheorghiu‑Dej: literatura autobiografică şi posterităţile compensatorii ale comunismului românesc (pp. 179-193)

This study aims to propose a typology of the memoirs written by former communist officials. They are classified depending on the way in which the memorialists decide to adapt them to the public, or not, by speculating or ignoring the fact that recent history is now a media product. The study comprises an inventory of so‑called „textual events”, that is the sentences in which the author tries to arrange the past according to his interests and to the ideological framework of the RCP. The authors often use exonerating arguments: they present their political career as a professional activity, not serving a totalitarian regime, but „the country”; the disagreements with Moscow are exaggerated in order to underline „the Romanian independence”; Communist Romania appears as an important factor in international affairs; the modernizing dimension of communism is stressed out, without mentioning its side effects; political repression is barely mentioned and any personal responsibility is denied. In short, the history of Communism is described as a distortion of the generous ideals of Marxism.

Keywords: autobiography, memory, falsification, political myths

Mobilizare, cooptare, control social

Luciana M. Jinga, Gen şi mobilizare politică în România comunistă (pp. 197-221)

Le discours officiel communiste promettait aux femmes une représentation égale à celle des hommes au sein du parti, à condition qu’elles exercent une activité professionnelle. La présence des femmes dans le Parti Communiste Roumain a été pendant presque trois de ces quatre décennies numériquement plus faible que dans les autres partis communistes de la région. Une particularité du cas roumain a été, en revanche, la promotion constante des femmes dans le parti et le suivi attentif des pourcentages. Cependant, malgré les mesures proactives prises dans les années 1970 et 1980, la représentation féminine au sein du PCR n’a jamais dépassé 36%. Une présence numériquement importante au sein du parti n’a pas conduit à une représentation similaire dans les instances politiques dirigeantes. L’étude met en évidence une disparité entre les organes locaux et les organes centraux du parti. Dans les comités du parti au niveau départemental, le pourcentage de femmes était à peu près le même (sinon plus élevé) que la moyenne nationale des femmes membres du parti. Au contraire, dans les instances centrales notamment dans le Comité Central, le Comité Politique Exécutif ou son Bureau, la présence des femmes restait plutôt une exception.

Mots‑clés: Parti Communiste Roumain, représentation féminine, mobilisation politique

Valeriu Antonovici, Munca patriotică: control social şi mobilizare în proiectul socialist (pp. 223-238)

Patriotic work in Socialist Romania was part of the individual and collective experience of every citizen. Even though at the beginning of the 1940s „voluntary work” was forcefully imposed – by which I mean forced labor by the political prisoners and the military – in time it became a routine. By transforming it into a routine, patriotic work was not perceived by everybody as a negative aspect. This practice became part of the daily lives of a big part of the population as a social norm that is even now, more than twenty years later, defined as a positive thing, a flag of „self‑consciousness and national consciousness”. Many of those interviewed on this topic (about 70%) made the connection between patriotic work and national identity. The question is: did this type of social involvement lead to the creation of an identity or of a community and to the affinity towards the concept of patriotism? I ask this question because a good number of those interviewed felt pride in having been part of the construction of their country („we built the metro, we supported agriculture through patriotic work”). What about those who felt humiliated, what do they say about those practices? This topic is treated from the perspective of memory and identity theories, but also by understanding of the concept of „work” in the Marxist‑Leninist ideology. The study analyzes and compares media articles of that time, official speeches, legislation and socio‑economic conditions with the memories of those who have experienced the system (their memories after twenty years from the demise of the communist regime).

Keywords: social control, mobilization, patriotic work, nostalgia

Cristina Preutu, Mişcarea stahanovistă în România: între propagandă şi control social (pp. 239-248)

L’hypothèse principale autour de laquelle s’articule l’étude est celle que le thème de propagande du mouvement stakhanoviste des années ’50 a représentée non seulement une propagande pour la stimulation économique, mais aussi un développement du control social. L’étude est construite autour trois axes de recherche. La première est la dimension de la propagande, pour identifier la logique discursive de ce phénomène et pour l’identification des acteurs du message politique. La deuxième axe est le contexte politico‑économique qui va analyser le cadre législatif du mouvement stakhanoviste et la troisième est l’axe social. Pour la dernière nous voulons identifier la dimension du control social. Ce qui nous intéresse est de montrer l’importance du mouvement stakhanoviste en Roumanie et sa contribution pour la dimension du control social du régime communiste. Le principal support bibliographique est constitué des archives du Comité Centrale du PCR et de la presse centrale de années ’50. Les sources primaires sont doublées par la littérature secondaire et les ouvrages de propagande.

Mots‑clés: stakhanovisme, mobilisation politique, propagande, cooptation

Diego Ciobotaru, Comunizarea sportului. Cazul Complexului „Gata pentru muncă și apărare” (pp. 249-263)

The ideological division of the postwar period changed the face of international relations. The „Iron Curtain” separated two antithetical models of society and determined a remote conflict between U.S.A. and U.S.S.R., each with its sphere of influence and „Philippics” against the „other”. Inevitably, the world political duality led to a struggle for supremacy between the two global superpowers and all the disagreements had political implications and consequences in all areas of daily life. All communist nations had a nationwide fitness program with a bias towards military training, modeled on the Soviet „Prepared for Work and Defense” – Gotov k trudu i oborone – system. The system can be best described as a „militarization of sport”. The role of the military in sport was further heightened by centralized control of sports development. The impact of communism in Romanian sports movement shows the importance given by the Party leaders, „Be Prepared for Work and Defense” becoming eventually the base of physical education program.

Keywords: sport, Soviet model, propaganda, militarization, co‑optation

Dumitru‑Alexandru Aioanei, Organizaţii comuniste de tineret din Iaşi după al Doilea Război Mondial (pp. 265-289)

In his effort to conquer power, the Romanian Communist Party created new structures and practices designed to attract, recruit and mobilize segments of the society. These organizations dissimulated their communist identity in order to be more inclusive. In the case of the youth, RCP invented different organizations for professional and social categories: pupils, students, proletarians, peasants etc. In the end, after the communist regime consolidated its power, these organizations would be fused into one, The Union of the Working Youth and transformed, during Ceauşescu, in the Union of the Communist Youth. The paper reflects the early history of the Union of the Working Youth – its creation at national and local level, the organizations from Iaşi serving as a case study.

Keywords: youth, political mobilization, inclusion

Comunizarea culturii

Cristian Vasile, Editurile şi politica de difuzare a cărţii în România anilor 1950: control politic şi reorganizări instituţionale (pp. 283-296)

The communist campaigns launched in the 1940s and 1950s in order to reduce and eliminate the illiteracy had a strong ideological dimension and took place in parallel with the establishment and the extension of some important networks of book distribution especially in the rural areas. Every peasant worker had to be able to read the main communist newspaper – Scânteia –, and the brochures offering information about the collectivization of Romanian agriculture. The aim of this paper is to examine some relevant aspects concerning both the number of printed works for the masses, and the system of book distribution in the 1950s, emphasizing the reorganization within the state publishing houses’ system. Using pre‑eminently documents from the National Archives, Fond Romanian Communist Party’s Central Committee – Propaganda and Agitation Section one focused also on the role of the Agitprop’s Sector for the control of the publishing houses. It was obvious that both the publishing system and the policies of book distribution were under strict political and ideological scrutiny during the first communist decade; on the other hand, the significant financial support for the literature and the arts in the 1950s had important consequences in the next decade when the publishing policy was more „liberal”.

Keywords: state publishing Houses, book distribution policies, propaganda, ideological control, censorship

Bogdan C. Iacob, Reafirmarea partinităţii. Ofensiva socialistă a P.M.R. în comunitatea ştiinţifică (1958‑1962) (pp. 297-312)

The article examines the policy of the Communist regime towards academia and universities during a critical period for the consolidation of the party‑state in Romania. Between 1958 and 1962, the Romanian Working Party accelerated its socialist offensive at the level of both the Academy and of higher education. New restrictive regulations, ideological guidelines and political purges were imposed. Using a carrot and stick strategy, combining enforcement and co‑option, the Party reaffirmed its hegemony over the academic institutions using, ironically, the rhetoric of democratization. These changes impacted upon the historical front as well. Some historians were reprimanded; others were marginalized or even arrested (Alexandru Zub). The universities and the Academy were subordinated to regional party organizations. Circles of ideological learning with compulsory participation were created and the scientific work was more closely planned and controlled by means of renewed centralization. The Academy and the universities lost their limited autonomy. By mid 1960s, the historical front was the product of a process of hybridization between the dominant role of the party and the increasingly evident national focus in history production.

Keywords: academia, university, ideology, „Partiinost”

Georgiana Leşu, Instituţionalizarea „prieteniei” între România şi Uniunea Sovietică. Aspecte din activitatea A.R.L.U.S. (pp. 313-325)

This study treats the connection between politics and culture at the beginning of the Romanian communist period, focusing on the activity of the The Association for Strengthening Ties with the Soviet Union (A.R.L.U.S.). This well‑known association of friendship with the Soviet Union was to become one of the main supporters of the Soviet cultural model. A.R.L.U.S. was listed among the many associations of friendship with the Soviet Union existing in all countries of the Soviet Bloc. Founded in September 1944, it was disbanded in the mid 60’s, due to political changes. During all this period the Association saw impressive expansion, developing branches in most cultural fields, and being equally involved in the worker’s activities and setting the basis of the well‑known publishing house Cartea Rusă (the Russian Book), where most of the Russian and Soviet literature was published in Romania. The study reflects the new image of the Romanian culture, distorted by intrusions of the communist propaganda, while it emphasizes the way in which political evolution is reflected in the activity of the Association.

Keywords: Soviet model, hegemony, propaganda, communist culture

Rezistență și victime

Cristina Roman, De la social‑democraţie la comunism: destinul lui Constantin Titel Petrescu (pp. 329-343)

The study briefly analyzes the history of the Romanian social‑democracy between 1921‑1946. In May 1921, the Communist faction from the Social‑Democratic Party formed the Communist Party of Romania. In 1948, the social democratic opposition led by Constantin Titel Petrescu was destroyed by the communist repression. A faction led by Rădăceanu‑Voitec, which appeared after socialists split in 1946, accepted the union with the Communist Party under the name Romanian Workers’ Party. This study tracks and analyses the life and activity of the intellectual and politician Constantin Titel Petrescu.

Keywords: social‑democracy, dictatorship, victims, repression

Smaranda Vultur, Viaţă cotidiană şi supraveghere în anii 1970‑1980. Dosarele de urmărire individuală ca resursă memorială (pp. 345-363)

Le texte propose un modèle d’analyse et de compréhension pour les dossiers dressés par la Securitate. Dans une première partie sont énumérées les plus usitées appellations et accusations: ennemi du peuple, actions contre la sécurité de l’État, relations avec les citoyens étrangers, l’écoute des radios étrangers. Dans un second temps, est étudiée la perspective sur les potentiels sujets qui suscitait l’intérêt des investigateurs, et, en s’appuyant sur ces thèmes, le degré de pénétration de la société roumaine et la violation du privé: les effets psychologiques et sociales sur les individus que la société produit et reproduit. Un des acteurs les plus importants étaient les informateurs, raison pour laquelle l’article réalise aussi une typologie des ceux‑ci, tout en exemplifiant la relation entre l’informateur et sa victime. Le troisième volet d’analyse prête attention au langage et ses variations à l’intérieur du dossier en fonction de l’usager: un langage idéologisé, un langage «technique» mais aussi un langage personnel, celui des victimes.

Mots‑clés: Securitate, dossier, vie privé, victimes, accusations, langage, informateur

Mihail Neamţu, Etno‑teologia părintelui Dumitru Stăniloae (1903‑1993). Genealogie istorică şi reflecţii critice (pp. 365-390)

The paper elaborates on the biography and intellectual genealogy of Dumitru Stăniloae, important scholar of Eastern Orthodoxy, who was a political prisoner during communism. As a religious thinker, Stăniloae authored numerous books on Christian doctrine, liturgy, spirituality, together with translations and exegetical works on the early Church Fathers. Politically and ideologically, he was a rightist, supporter and contributor, in the interwar period, of religious nationalism. For Dumitru Stăniloae, „nation” appeared to be that „spiritual reality” working under the divine guidance of the Providence; national unity became the „basis for the Church unity”. Following such providential logic of history, the enemies of the Romanian people could be seen as the Church’s adversaries and vice versa. In 1934, Stăniloae branded communism as anti‑Christian. Critical of communist internationalism, and
skeptical about papal universalism, Stăniloae tried to explain how the Orthodox Church is the only Christian body capable of welcoming and blending the character of every nation. Because of his views, Stăniloae was severely marginalized after 1947. He was under the surveillance of the political police and, in the end, he was arrested for his connection with „The Burning Bush” group. In 1958, he was sentenced to five years in prison as an „obscurantist propagandist” and spent most of his time in the dreadful prison of Aiud. After liberation (1963), Stăniloae surprisingly supported the official nationalism of the Ceauşescu regime, his stance mirroring the open collaboration between the state authorities and the Orthodox Church.

Keywords: ethnic identity, nationalism, communist repression, prison

Csongor Jánosi, Procese penale ale „Martorilor lui Iehova” din România. Grupările Ungvári, Fülöp şi Kovács de pe teritoriul Regiunii Autonome Maghiare (pp. 395-424)

The attempt to find specialized books and studies that analyze the activity of the cult “Jehovah’s Witnesses” from Romania in the communist regime brings very poor results. The vast majority of works handles the matter subjectively, guided by prejudice, owing to a certain inability of the authors to dissociate themselves from the sectarian characteristics of the cult and, basically, to apply an objective approach to its history. This paper is a case study in which three penal processes from the Hungarian Autonomous Region are presented. They cover the interval 1957‑1958. The method of research: documentary analysis, by data analysis and formulation of generalizations. The study contains an analysis of the situation of the “witnesses” in the light of the orders and regulations released by the center and their application on regional and local levels, sometimes making brief references to the international approach to the problem. By presenting the mechanism of the criminal trials, we can get information about how the communities were organized, about the main functions and religious assignments pertaining to such functions, emphasizing the main aspects and forms of activity and revealing the frameworks of “conspiracy” that favored the maintenance of the Jehovah’s Witnesses links in a political regime more than hostile. We consider that a research of the Jehovah Witnesses trials can not only contribute to the contemporary history of Romania, regarding the new wave of terror established in the period following 1956, but also provides important supplementary data for the history of the church as well as for the history of the Romanian Subsidiary of the Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society association from New York.

Keywords: political trials, religious minority, nationalism, communist repression

Delia Cornea, „Mişcarea de rezistenţă română din străinătate” – consideraţii istoriografice pe marginea unui document (pp. 425-442)

The present study shows a novel document discovered in the CNSAS’ archive, regarding the organization of the Romanian resistance movement from the exile, in its early period. The mentioned document presents London as the first center of coordination and action of the Romanian movement from abroad, and V.V. Tilea, former Romanian minister in Great Britain, as the main political personality leading this movement. The movement established by V.V. Tilea (Free Romanian Movement), as well as the one established by V. Cornea, Romanian Democratic Committee, also in Great Britain, weren’t recognized by the British authorities. Later on, several Romanian personalities from the exile organized themselves in „Grupul de la Geneva” (The Group from Geneva), and its main concern was supporting the Romanian cause at the Paris Peace Conference, along with Romania’s official delegation. During World War II, the large community of Romanian refugees in the United States, along with the Romanian Diaspora formed here at the beginning of the 20th century, have been organizing a series of congresses and conferences supporting the national cause. The United States would represent, after the war, a suitable environment for a unified Romanian political action in exile, which culminated with the organization in April 1949 of the Romanian National Committee.

Keywords: Romanian exile, communist repression, democratization

Recenzii

Lavinia Betea, Poveşti din Cartierul Primăverii (Ştefan Bosomitu) (pp. 445-449)

Avram Bunaciu, Biografie. Reflecţii. Corespondenţă (Andrei Muraru) (pp. 450-455)

Larry L. Watts, Fereşte‑mă, Doamne, de prieteni. Războiul clandestin al Blocului Sovietic cu România (Dumitru Lăcătuşu) (pp. 456-459)

Sergiu Musteaţă, Igor Caşu (coord.), Fără termen de prescripţie. Aspecte ale investigării crimelor comunismului în Europa (Ludmila Coadă, Svetlana Suveică) (pp. 462-471)

Vasile Paraschiv, Strigăt pentru adevăr şi libertate. Scrisori adresate poporului român pentru trezirea şi redeşteptarea neamului (Mircea Stănescu) (pp. 472-473)

Eugen Denize, Propaganda comunistă în România (1948‑1953) (Dan Drăghia) (pp. 474-478)